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When American crowds chanted 'Evangelists for
Reagan' or 'Jesus Loves Reagan' or banners and placards have legends like 'For
Jesus, Vote Reagan', no ridicule or laugh was poured forth even in the slightest
trickle by the intellectuals in this country. Reagan's open support by so many
Christian groups possibly did not make Americans obscurantists. Obviously, it is
the power which decides who is forward or backward. If a country is strong, even
whipping or hand-chopping of guilty will get instant stamp of approval - at
least from a section of our own intellectuals.
There is a section of political analysts and
journalists in India who are perpetually worried as to what would happen to our
image if we ceased to be secular in approach. The definition of our brand of
secularism is a shade different from what is prevalent in either models -
capitalists and communist systems. In India secularism certainly means
projection and highlighting of minority religious views at the cost of majority
viewpoint. It seems by not rubbing majority community at all available
opportunities would preclude us from walking on the road with our heads high.
Such intellectuals certainly feel guilty and are
always apologetic in acknowledging their Hindu identity. They constantly try to
throw away all signs which would fit in a Hindu stereotype. They feel it is
their duty to carry everybody with them. Others, though hardly feel it necessary
to carry all with them including those who are in minority and would choose to
live in their ghettos.
But do big nations look at various nations
measuring their image with their yardstick? Never. The
United States is closer to theocracies, dictatorships and even most obscurantist
rulers and monarchs - the deciding factor being strategy and geopolitics in the
region. Trumpeting democracies like ours are rated high in the eyes of the major
powers more because of our being a vast continent, alive and vibrant for
centuries. Our pretensions of secularism certainly do not pay that big a role
which we have been imagining.
It is power-play and power structure of groups
which gives image. It accords good or bad relationship also on that basis. The
prestige of a country in the world has hardly any relation to moral qualities.
The drumbeats of power drown all whimpers of a moralist. This reality in itself,
continues an adequate condemnation of the vague ideals of which our country's
secularism is one instance.
If a country like India, always running to
appease smaller groups - regional, linguistic and religious and swears by trite,
pedestrian and high-flown moral codes, its prestige would continue to be
debatable. Prestige, in fact, depends upon what a writer has called 'the
strength to command respect and attention'. In other words, if you do not have
oil to secure approval from the superpowers for your obscurantist ways, or if
you cannot talk tall and act spectacularly, visibly and with firework, the
country's image is likely to take a nosedive.
Seeing things around, one can safely conclude
that the prestige for which a nation is admired today stands for exactly the
reverse of the qualities for which an individual is admired.
Irrespective of changes in social mores, fads and
passing fancies any time, changes which do not wait for any ideological debate
to conclude, Hinduism negates rigidity, it is sworn enemy of fanaticism. It has
love for anybody in its fold.
The term Hindu, for a very long time has been
used to denote non-Muslim Indians. Though the criterion of distinction was
religious, yet the term 'Hindu' still bore the old secular connotation
encompassing a wide range of beliefs - including loosely the whole spectrum of
Jainism, Buddhists and Sikhs. J.S.Grewal, in one of his articles reviewing a
book, wrote, "If someone had asked Guru Nanak whether or not he was a
Hindu, he would have answered that he was, in the sense that he was a non-Muslim
Indian". Hinduism thus came to be transformed into a monolith and
represented as wide a spectrum as Brahmanical systems of religious belief and
practice and on the other ever agnostic thoughts. Since then it came to stay as
a great geopolitic reality bringing about unprecedented fusion amongst people by
common consent. While answering a foreigner's comment, 'Hinduism has no
history', Babu Rao Patel had retorted that 'Hinduism is the history of all
foreign and Indian races. India was the cradle of civilisation when Europeans
were mere barbarians'.
It was the fever of secularism which gripped the
country for five decades and allowed Hinduism to be assailed from all quarters.
It was the politicians and liberals whose interests were opposed to those of the
community at large and who, therefore, did their best to retain their influence
by promoting various kinds of hysteria. Anti-Hindu feeling was generated and
used in a way to preclude intelligent consideration of real issues. Until the
conflicts sought to be made in various segments of races, regions, castes and
languages which infect our society are resolved by respecting the majority
beliefs unreason, unreason and strife will prevail.
We have looked too often to the existing options
for national salvation. We have paraded for too long our secularist professions
hitting at the roots of the majority community. Pampering minorities' will in
one way would be collective admission of the fact that minority can rule as well
and it will pave way, and very justifiably as a logical conclusion, for a
dictatorship of any minority of any type.
The greatest weakness of secularists in India is
their lack of understanding of history of this sub-continent. Being without
clear convictions to their creed of appeasement of minorities, they hop from one
end of assailing Hinduism to almost inspired and decisive efforts to stoke fires
of hatred against them. Their hypocrisy and pedantry besides lack of historical
realism could sow seeds of discord in society. These secularists and liberal
scribes, in their search of political power would disintegrate themselves. We
strongly believe that time will prove them wrong.
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